Eleven Former MESA Presidents Support Current Bylaw Amendment Proposal

[Map of the Middle East and North Africa region] [Map of the Middle East and North Africa region]

Eleven Former MESA Presidents Support Current Bylaw Amendment Proposal

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following letter was issued by a group of former presidents of the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) on 7 November 2016 in support of a bylaw amendment introduced at the 2016 Members Meeting. The amendment is currently up for a membership-wide vote. See below for details on voting.]

 

 

 

 


Enhancing MESA’s Legal Standing

Dear members of the Middle East Studies Association of North America,

We are writing as former MESA presidents, in light of recent regional trends in the Middle East and political developments in the United States. Scholars, as well as academic organizations, working on the region are confronting renewed pressures in such countries as Turkey, Iran, Israel, Egypt, Syria and several Arab Gulf states. Many of our members have been engaged in advocacy around these issues, and our Committee on Academic Freedom (CAF) has long documented, and acted upon, numerous individual and collective cases. Additionally, substantial sections of the membership are involved in broader debates and conversations taking place in numerous US academic associations and institutions, ranging from discussions around BDS to responses to the arrest and intimidation of Turkish, Kurdish, Egyptian, Iranian, Bahraini, and other academics.

As MESA and its members continue to debate and act upon these issues, the potential for frivolous legal action on the part of Middle Eastern states, as well as advocacy groups and local governments in the United States, grows. Whereas all of MESA’s activities are in compliance with its non-profit status, several legal opinions have highlighted the weakness of Article 1, Section 2 of our bylaws, which currently defines the organization as ‘non-political’. This definition is not included in most bylaws of comparable academic societies in the US. Rather than protecting our status, it leaves us more vulnerable than the rest of our peer organizations.

As former presidents of MESA, who have worked on developing and protecting the organization over the course of several decades, we would encourage the amendment of Article 1, Section 2 of our bylaws, while still retaining our explicit commitment to acting in accordance with our non-profit status.

Sincerely, 

[Full Name, Presidential Term]

Michael C. Hudson, 1987

John Esposito, 1989

Yvonne Haddad, 1990

Barbara Aswad, 1992

John Voll, 1993

Rashid Khalidi, 1994

Joel Beinin, 2002

Lisa Anderson, 2003

Juan Cole, 2006

Mervat Hatem, 2008

Suad Joseph, 2011

Peter Sluglett, 2013

 



Track-Changes Display of Proposed Bylaw Amendment

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How to Vote [Vote "Yes"]

The general membership will now vote on the amendment during period between 1 February 2017 and through 15 March 2017. Only current MESA members (meaning individuals with a 2017 membership can vote in the election.]

  • To read the proposed amendment, click here. [Vote "Yes"]
  • If you are a current MESA member and would like to vote in this election, click here. [Vote "Yes"]
  • If you are a past member and would like to renew your member, log into MyMESA and renew your membership for 2017, and then proceed to the link for the ballot. [Vote "Yes"]

 

 

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412